Tuesday, December 16, 2014

Democracy, Legitimacy and U.S. Global Hegemony

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It is an accepted convention in international relations that there is no central authority that is above sovereign states—at least formally. Hegemonic stability theory holds that a superpower state that has the capacity, will and legitimacy can and will act as the global leader for other states to follow, creating a semblance of a world government. Undoubtedly, the United States is today’s global hegemon. Although challenged, it is still the leading military, economic and ideological power. Many observers, however, argue that the hegemonic position of the United States is on a decline; focusing on both domestic and international failures of the United States while taking notice of the rise of the possible replacement in China and Russia. I argue that while U.S. hegemony is indeed on decline, it is in no way reasonably threatened to be replaced simply because no other state has risen to the occasion to legitimately challenge it and more crucially, the rest of the world has not conferred legitimacy upon any viable replacement.

Taking over from Britain after the country’s massive losses in World War II, the United States stood unchallenged as the global hegemon for decades. It had the capacity, being the largest economy in the world in terms of market exchange rates. It possessed the will, displayed through leading peace efforts, economic conventions and multilateral institutions worldwide. It controlled legitimacy, no other state in the world could be perceived as a wanted replacement for the U.S; viable, maybe, but not wanted. However, domestic and international failures is eroding its hegemonic position. The U.S. economic decline now places its economy second to China in terms of purchasing power parity. The will of the United States increasingly becomes invisible, refusing to act on major global security issues like the invasion in Ukraine. Its legitimacy as well is weakening with its failed democratization projects and the unsuccessful ‘war on terror.’

The rising global powers smell blood. Russia is increasingly pursuing more aggressive foreign policy, hoping to make its mark on global politics. China continues to grow economically and improve its military capacity. But the world has seen that Russia cannot keep up with the U.S. in economic terms with its dependence on oil; and China who can, simply is not globally aggressive in foreign policy, albeit it is regionally. However, even if these two states combine both their capacity and will, it will be very difficult to replace the U.S. as the global hegemon—their lack of legitimacy kills any Chinese or Russian hegemonic ambition.

Legitimacy is a constructed notion and the U.S. expertly crafted and marked its legitimacy in every strategic sphere possible. Culturally, American pop culture is unrivaled and has continuously depicted the U.S. as the good guy and every challenger as the bad guy. The media is critical of a U.S.-led world, but it has not done China or Russia any favours as well. In scholarship, the moral appeal of U.S. democracy and the ethical criticisms against authoritarian-like regimes of Russia and China creates the notion of the U.S. being the only moral superpower. It is the strong moral appeal of democracy that makes U.S. hegemony unthreatened; non-democratic regimes simply cannot lead an increasingly democratic world.

While Russia and China are in no doubt rising superpowers, the threat they pose to the hegemonic position of the United States is exaggerated. The U.S. is still the global leader in both economic and military terms and still has the most aggressive and wide-reach foreign policy to date. Despite being relatively outplayed from time to time, it is still the absolute standard and leader in global politics.  What locks the position of the U.S. as the global hegemon for the foreseeable future is its legitimacy. The constructed moral dimension of the legitimacy debate is the deciding factor as to why the world cannot anoint a replacement just yet. The world is coming for it, no doubt, but the U.S. is here to stay.
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Thursday, December 11, 2014

Why the United Nations Security Council Fails

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The United Nations is often celebrated as a global institution that is the ideal problem-solver of the world’s many and diverse problems; none arguably more crucial than the sphere of global security. The UN Security Council, the chief decision maker in matters of security, is the one and only global police and army. Many criticize the UN Security Council for its failures to efficiently and effectively act in the face global security issues; may it be in terrorism, mass killings or genocide. These criticisms are legitimate, but they are founded on a romanticised perception of the UN Security Council as a mere functional institution devoid of political interests of the superpower states that comprise it. Decision making in issues of security is highly centralized in the veto five of the UN Security Council, all of which pursue national interests that are often outside the global interest of security. The Rwandan Genocide of 1994 is the most devastating case of realist politics above the liberal interest of global security. The United States, comprising the largest of the UN military arm, ignored calls for action on the basis of their national interest after losing much resources in the intervention in Somalia of 1993. When global interests and the national interest of the veto five do not align, the world must take a back seat and passively witness acts of aggression. Perceptions must change; the ordering principle of global institutions like the UN are not ideal notions of justice and peace, but the interests of superpower states that lead it. The ineffectivity of the UN Security Council is essentially rooted in its centralization of decision making to the few superpowers. To combat this, the UN must develop a more democratized mechanism of decision making where smaller states are given as much influence as the bigger ones. Also, to ensure the compliance of the military arm, significant sanctions must be instituted against its component states who refuse to act in accordance to popularly ratified decisions. Global institutions will never simply be institutions acting based on their assigned function; real politik always triumphs over idealist notions of global justice. Consequently, solutions are not found in technical and functional aspects of the UN Security Council; it lies in the politics and power play of central decision makers. A democratic UN Security Council where every state regardless of size and power is given influence in decision making is the only way that global interests will triumph over selfish national interests. The world simply cannot sit and merely watch another genocide like in Rwanda happen. 
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